Typically, local knowledge and the ability to build an effective and trusting relationship are not as important in donor “scoring criteria” for contracts as technical prowess.Similarly, Lopez Lucia et al.
Similarly, Williams et al. This makes aid officials averse to risk, particularly if a failure poses broader reputational risks for the donor. This coalition should be involved in analysis and reform implementation. Conversely, without a close and trusting relationship with the partner, no amount of technical skill was able to solve the challenges that the programmes faced.Second, trust provides a licence to tackle the more fundamental issues which are often difficult because of political sensitivities. The incentives facing donors and implementers make them very reluctant to admit failure (Saito‐Jensen & Pasgaard, We hope that the lessons and recommendations derived from the case studies in this Special Issue help to strengthen the evidence base and improve the ability to think and work politically in development practice.We are grateful to all the authors of the four articles included in this Special Issue for their efforts to produce an excellent set of thought‐provoking articles. Reforms often occur obliquely, starting from an initiative that was not designed to tackle the more fundamental problems but, for precisely that reason, was more feasible. The origin of the phrase ‘thinking and working politically’ is uncertain (Teskey 2017).
They were then able to choose counterparts who were serious about making progress and, critically, withdraw from working relationships with agencies when changes in personnel or policy made it clear that no further progress would be possible. Most donor projects are not designed with this level of flexibility (and many governments would not permit it), but Lopez Lucia et al. One variant of this approach, applied with particular success in the field of economic reform, is called development entrepreneurship.TWP requires donors to find new ways of partnering with organisations that are capable of acting with the needed imagination and flexibility to solve fundamental development problems. However, the case studies mostly document the far more common occurrence of considerable instability in leadership and influence of key counterparts. In both Nigeria and the OPTs, development interventions were subordinate to the wider diplomatic relationship between the UK government and the respective governments. Few studies discuss criteria for “success” or how they are measured’ (Laws & Marquette, The case studies in this issue grapple with this challenge.
The article draws on extensive interviews, programme reviews and newspaper articles to understand the process through which interventions were implemented, the substance of what was done and the way in which the staff of the programme ensured that work responded to the shifting political context.The result was that, from 2003, DFID's portfolio shifted to recognize the complexity of the political economy of the country by helping Nigeria better use its own resources. Programmes faced with such uncertainty need to build alliances with a range of different actors, navigating the political space to find pathways through which progress might still be made despite the unpromising formal context. Officials in development agencies struggle with putting it into practice and it is unclear how TWP differs—or not—from similar approaches, such as Problem Driven Iterative Adaptation (PDIA ) and Doing Development Differently (DDD ). In particular, it innovated with issues‐based programmes which engaged with all the relevant stakeholders on an issue in an attempt to build a stronger social contract in which politicians would be held responsible for the provision of public services rather than the distribution of patronage benefits. This thought has been around for some time, but what it implies in practice has not always been clear.
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