It would likely be a similar situation trying to speak to a worker from Xinjiang working against her will.ASPI says these and other workers were transferred out of Xinjiang and assigned to factories elsewhere under a government policy called “Xinjiang Aid.” Xinjiang’s regional government even pays private middlemen and local governments to organize the work assignments. In many cases, it only established that the factory’s owner—sometimes a large parent company that might own several factories—was listed as a supplier by the company or claimed to be a supplier itself.ASPI, for example, recommends the companies named conduct immediate inspections of their supplier factories and use their leverage to push factories to comply with their codes of conduct. Nike, the same company that funds organizations asking for reparations, has actually used slave labor in China to make its products for years. Factory audits became widespread in the 1990s, after the child-labor scandals involving Nike and the clothing line of television host Kathie Lee Gifford.
Back in the mid-1990s, Jardine Fleming Securities (now part of JP Morgan Chase) came up with the Swoosh Index, which was its theory that once Nike selects a country for its newest factory site, economic growth, rising stock markets, and other foreign companies follow. Nike Manufacturing Map: Transparency is fundamental to NIKE, Inc. business and our approach to sustainability.
Baumann-Pauly also notes corporations can have more power if they work together to exert pressure on factory owners and authorities. “The advantages of Xinjiang workers are: semi-military style management, can withstand hardship, no loss of personnel … Minimum order 100 workers!” said the ad translated by ASPI. The think tank shared individual examples of factories that use Uyghur slave labor, among them a factory making Nike sportswear: In the first case study, a factory in eastern China that manufactures shoes for US company Nike is equipped with watchtowers, barbed-wire fences and police guard boxes. That’s because in her view the financial leverage international corporations wield is one of their most effective tools at ensuring workers in their supply chains are treated ethically.Between 2017 and 2019, ASPI estimates the Chinese government relocated at least 80,000 Uighurs from Xinjiang in western China to factories across the country where they work “under conditions that strongly suggest forced labour.” What’s more, it says the manufacturers using these transported Uighurs supply at least 83 international companies making everything from footwear to electronics.Even so, it suggests a failure among companies of all sorts to monitor the partners making their products, even if they often claim to have robust programs in place to prevent these types of abuses.
Factory audits became widespread in the 1990s, after the child-labor scandals involving Nike and the clothing line of television host Kathie Lee Gifford. Would you like to receive desktop browser notifications about breaking news and other major stories?The poster child for all of this anti-American demagoguery is NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick, who in 2018 signed a multi-million-dollar contract to become a megaphone for Nike products.But I have a better idea, Nike. One advertisement from a labor-dispatch company offered Uighur workers still in their teens. LAIXI, China — The workers in standard-issue blue jackets stitch and glue and press together about 8 million pairs of Nikes each year at Qingdao Taekwang Shoes Co., a Nike …
Nike has been working in China for over 30 years when they started to sub-contract production to overseas factories. But if companies cut and run, they might again preserve their own images, while leaving the workers alone to bear the consequences.Importantly, they need to move from a transactional relationship with their factory partners to a true partnership, according to Baumann-Pauly, which allows for a closer working relationship that makes the factory less likely—or less able—to violate a code of conduct.
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